12. Biohistory: Can Biology Contribute to the Study of History?
Sheraton, Constitution Ballroom B

Chair:

Carl N. Degler, Stanford University

Panel:

Robert S. McElvaine, Millsaps College
Edward O. Wilson, Harvard University

Comment:

Bobbi S. Low, University of Michigan

 

YES, IF WE ARE CAUTIOUS

            The beings who constitute the subject matter of history are members of a biological species called Homo sapiens.  It would seem to be a fairly modest proposition to assert that this fact has some relevance for the study of history.  British philosopher Mary Midgley opened her 1978 book, Beast and Man, with this simple but startling declaration:  “We are not just rather like animals; we are animals.”[1]  Confronted with such a statement, most of us would say, “Well, of course.”  Under our breaths, though, we would be likely to add, “What of it?”  That we are animals is a proposition that educated people, including historians, now generally accept, but one we still tend to ignore when it comes to drawing conclusions from it.

Given the historian’s concern with the influence of past developments on present conditions, it would appear natural that she or he would employ an evolutionary perspective.  This seems to carry what the study of history has always been concerned with back an additional and very large, but entirely logical, step.  Evolutionary biology should provide historians with a means of assessing how changes over much longer periods of “prehistory” affect the times that we study.   If we truly believe that “what is past is prologue,” it would seem that the first step in the study of history should be to take account of what Professor Wilson terms “deep history”[2] —the evolution of the particular sort of animals we are.    It would further seem that anyone who accepts evolution must conclude that a historical approach that ignores biology and human evolution is ahistorical, because it omits the events and effects of the longest period of human existence.

But most written history has ignored the results of human evolution.  Throughout most of the last century historians have gone about their studies in blissful ignorance of the findings of biology.  So have most other humanists and, until recently, social scientists.[3]  In his 1991 book, In Search of Human Nature, Professor Degler wrote of numerous psychologists, sociologists, anthropologists, and even a few political scientists who have in the past few decades accepted the existence of innate proclivities in humans.  But he was unable to point to a single practitioner in our discipline who has employed a recognition of innate human tendencies in his or her work.  The passage of another decade has hardly altered that situation.[4]

This preface leads me to the two basic issues that I would like to address this morning:

On the face of it, it would appear entirely reasonable for historians to see our role as beginning where that of biologists leaves off, perhaps with archeologists and anthropologists helping to bridge the gap.  The first essential question to ask, then, is:  Why have historians been so resistant to the idea that the biological makeup of the creatures we study might have some influence on their behavior?  Is the rejection of biology a well-founded conclusion based on empirical evidence that human nature does not exist in any meaningful way and so can be of no importance in the unfolding of history, or has biology been dismissed for other reasons, without an examination of the evidence?

The second issue on which I shall focus is whether we in the historical discipline have paid any price for our refusal to look at biology.  The question, in other words, is: What’s in it for us?  Are there ways in which a judicious use of knowledge about human biology can improve our understanding of history?

*  *  *

“Judicious use” points toward the answer to the first question.  The main reason that many historians panic at the very mention of human nature or biology is not that they have carefully examined the potential benefits of illuminating history in this way, but that they are all too familiar with in the most injudicious misuse and abuse of biological claims in the past.  Connecting biology with history is a practice that does not have a distinguished pedigree.  As a result, attempting to speak of human nature can be dangerous.  An historian or anyone else in the humanities or social sciences who becomes interested in pursuing this concept through some acquaintance with evolutionary biology is likely to be greeted by his or her colleagues with a shocked, disgusted look and a muttered, “You haven't become one of them, have you?”

 The form of most previous efforts at applying Darwinian thinking to history has been analogy—to see historical developments as part of a Darwinian struggle for survival in which the most “fit” (nations, races, individuals, corporations, etc.) succeed and the less “fit” fall by the wayside, resulting in historical “progress.”  This social Darwinism, which dominated American thought in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, was used to justify extreme nationalism, racism, war, gross economic inequality, and a total lack of concern for those in need.[5]  In recent years we have been reminded of where an apparently biological approach can lead by the racist ideas contained in Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray’s The Bell Curve (1994)[6] and by the argument put forth by Randy Thornhill and Craig Palmer in A Natural History of Rape (2000) that rape is a behavior that evolution selected for.[7]  Then there is the glee with which many men have embraced such claims of evolutionary psychology as that men are naturally inclined toward promiscuity (the “Darwin made me do it” defense[8]) and that younger women are naturally attracted to older, rich and prominent men.  (Michael Douglas is among those who have found the latter thesis intellectually compelling.)   In her 1999 book, Woman: An Intimate Geography, science journalist Natalie Angier dubbed such evolutionary psychologists “evo psychos.” [9]

Small wonder, in view of these unhappy precedents, that the slightest suggestion of trying to ground an examination of history on an understanding of evolutionary biology raises alarms in so many quarters.  The abuses that gave rise to the fears have been very real.  The problem with some of the more recent sociobiology and evolutionary psychology is that it has often seemed to be biological determinism

            Some biological determinists are prone to making outrageous statements.  Given the constraints of time, I’ll cite just one, from Richard Dawkins’ famous book, The Selfish Gene:

[W]e, and all other animals, are machines created by our genes. . . . To a survival machine, another survival machine (which is not its own child or another close relative) is a part of its environment, like a rock or a river or a lump of food.  It is something that gets in the way, or something that can be exploited.  It differs from a rock or a river in one important respect: it is inclined to hit back.  This is because it too is a machine which holds its immortal genes in trust for the future, and it too will stop at nothing to preserve them.[10]

I, for one, believe that humans are animals, not machines, and, moreover, that we are social animals.  As such, we look on other members of our species very differently from the way we view rocks and rivers.

But we must not let the shortcomings of the more extreme brands of sociobiology and evolutionary psychology prevent us in the historical profession from realizing that much recent work has quite convincingly shown that evolution left us with a variety of proclivities (human nature) that were “designed” to adapt our ancestors to live in an environment that is vastly different from the one in which most of us live today—and in which people have lived throughout recorded history.

While the arguments based on the findings of evolutionary science cannot be ignored, however, something very important has been missing from them: history.  Sociobiology and evolutionary psychology have greatly underestimated the power of cultural evolution, or, to put it another way, the extraordinary degree of adaptability in Homo sapiens.[11]  In jumping from evolution to the modern human experience, many practitioners in these fields miss fundamentally important developments during the period when human-made changes first created a social environment for which some human characteristics were not well adapted.  This includes the critical last 5000 years of “prehistory,” which historians also conventionally shortchange, as well as most of the 5000 years traditionally called “history.”

Some biologists have begun to take account of history by emphasizing that the key to reaching a proper understanding of behavior is not simply determining what predispositions were selected for by the ancestral environment in which humans evolved, but examining how those traits interact with various historical environments in which humans live and have lived.  Two important books that point toward this conjunction of biology and history from the biological side have been published in the past year:  Professor Low’s Why Sex Matters: A Darwinian Look at Human Behavior[12] and Paul Ehrlich’s Human Natures: Genes, Cultures, and the Human Prospect.  I have tried to make a small contribution to the dialogue between biology and history from the historical side with my new book, Eve’s Seed: Biology, the Sexes, and the Course of History.[13]  I believe that the bottom line that all of us have emphasized is that biological determinism is not the same thing as biological influence.  The former must be rejected; the latter cannot reasonably be denied.

*  *  *

In large part because of the past misapplication of evolutionary science to society, a curious dichotomy over “Darwinism” exists in the Western world today.  Those who consider themselves liberal or “of the left” accept biological evolution, but generally reject the idea that it has any important implications for us today.  Liberal humanists, including most historians, tend to think that humans are the consequence of evolution, but that evolution has no consequences for us.  Self-styled conservatives on the other hand, often reject evolutionary biology, but usually accept the idea of human nature and the application of Darwinian competition for survival to social issues.

The accepted position in much of the academic world—in many quarters, the only position that will be countenanced—is that all characteristics of people are culturally “constructed,” which is to say that humans may be the consequence of biological evolution, but that process no longer has any consequences for us.   The communicants of this faith can accurately be classified as cultural creationists.  To them, culture is as fundamental as the basis of human existence as the Bible is to those who see it as the unerring source of knowledge.  Much as the biblical fundamentalists believe that God created people out of a formless lump of clay, cultural fundamentalists believe that cultures create people from blank paper.

Neither of these groups bases its rejection of the idea that biology has shaped us on an analysis of the evidence supporting that argument.  Rather, both groups start with the premise that evolution will undermine their objectives and so it must be rejected, irrespective of the evidence. Conservatives fear that evolution leaves no place for divine purpose; liberals fear that it leaves no place for human purpose. Both are afraid that evolution means that we are at the mercy of biological forces and can do nothing to improve ourselves or change conditions.

Conservatives and fundamentalists reject evolution straightforwardly; they simply deny that it happened.  Liberal humanists are generally too well-educated to deny that evolution occurred; they just insist that it has no effect on us now.  But to insist that evolution has no effect on us is to put one’s head in the sand almost as far as those who deny it happened.

Many feminists have feared that admitting that evolutionary biology shaped us means that we have no control over our destiny and cannot change such things as the subordination of women.  (A group of evolutionary feminists has emerged in recent years, but the findings and ideas of these women have yet to register with either historians or most more traditional feminists. [14])  Fundamentalists fear that admitting that evolutionary biology shaped us means that we have no control over ourselves and so are going to act “like animals.”[15]

The similar fears of both groups are misplaced.  To say that evolution shaped us is not to say that we have no control over our destiny.  In fact, understanding how evolution shaped us is the starting point for establishing some control over our destiny.

            I believe that the long-standing article of faith among liberal intellectuals that there is no such thing as human nature is both wrong and highly counterproductive.  The idea of human nature poses no threat to most liberal, humane, or feminist goals.  On the contrary, it is essential to them.

            To argue that humans have no innate qualities but that other animals do is to say that we are not really animals.  This is an odd position to be taken by so many intellectuals who claim to be believers in evolution.  It says that humans are from nature; that we may still be in it; but that we are no longer of it.  Here again liberal-minded academics may find themselves uncomfortably close to biblical fundamentalists.  The latter also see humans as outside of and above nature, the only difference being that in their case it is said to be because God gave man “dominion over . . . every living thing.”[16]  For one group, humans seceded from nature; for the other, God did it for us.

            The insistence that people are utterly plastic and shaped only by the particular culture in which they find themselves negates many of the goals toward which those who take this position aspire.  If all humanity had nothing in common beyond some basic physical characteristics and the capability of interbreeding, but was otherwise blank paper upon which vastly different scripts could be written by various cultures, what could bring diverse cultures together?  And what of those who fear that accepting the existence of innate traits would promote racism and xenophobia?  Would not these maladies be more difficult to deal with if there were no human nature?  Under the crude behaviorist or tabula rasa assumptions, people brought up in the ways of one society would have nothing in common with those brought up differently in another society.  For practical purposes they would be like separate species.

Unless there is something common—that is, innate—to all of humanity, it is difficult to establish a basis on which people in one culture can assess the actions of those in another.  Where the denial of human nature leads was shown clearly at the 1993 World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna.  A group of repressive regimes made the argument that “any definition of human rights should take account of ‘national and regional particularities and various historical, cultural and religious backgrounds.’”[17] A major contention was made that the concept of women’s rights should not be considered universal, because different cultures define women’s roles differently.

            If we were actually blank paper, governments could make of us anything they wanted.[18]  Many of the horrors of the twentieth century were perpetrated by people acting upon the assumption that there is no such thing as human nature and therefore people can be reshaped into anything.  The most notorious examples of ideologues who thought they could make “new” people in an image that they chose are Mao Zedung and Pol Pot.  Each killed millions of his own countrymen and -women trying to write a new script on what he took to be the blank paper of humanity.  Both proved instead that there was something on the paper that could be removed only by an erasure of such force that it destroys the paper itself.

            Human nature is essential to the possibility of freedom.  Were there not something there that made a person human in the first place, and gave her or him some tools with which to work—a basis on which to act—there could be no way for the individual to resist being made into anything those running society wished.           If there were nothing natural and sex roles, for instance, were entirely the result of conditioning,[*] how would any woman, shaped by society to fit and accept her role, ever come to question her status?

            The reason that so many academics have clung to their insistence that biology should be ignored is, I believe, a fundamental misapprehension concerning the implications of human nature.  They have feared that the admission of the existence of innate characteristics will lead to findings on how people differ.  In fact, the real meaning of human nature is to be found in showing the ways in which people are alike.  Humans are far more alike than different—and, as ought to be obvious, it is their innate qualities (human nature) much more than their learned behaviors that make them so.

            None of this is to deny for a moment that there are immense cultural variations in human practices.  But those variations are quite plainly not without limits.  And it is our biology that imposes those limits.[19]

 

*  *  *

            The genuinely scientific evidence that we are not, in fact, blank slates at birth, wholly shaped by culture, has become overwhelming.  The time is past when historians or the general public can afford to ignore the valid findings of science because some researchers have abused this sort of investigation and reached outrageous conclusions.  We must stop throwing out the Darwinian baby with the racist and sexist bathwater.[20]  To do so is to cede the support of science to those who misuse it.  So far what we have generally had is evolutionary science without the perspective of history and history without the perspective of evolution.  Now the attempt must be made to bring together neo-Darwinian evolutionary biology and history to form a new way of understanding the human experience: biohistory.

Although I don’t agree with him on all the implications, particularly when he seems to suggest that all other disciplines should be subordinated to science and that science itself is above cultural influences, I basically believe in the ultimate unity of knowledge that Professor Wilson terms consilience: that for all the variety of explanations that can be offered by different disciplines, all intersect and “there is intrinsically only one class of explanation.”[21]  The time has come to begin to try to blend history with other branches of knowledge by combining biology (and other disciplines) with history.  If this is done with proper caution, we can greatly enrich our discipline—and we will reach conclusions vastly different from those of Herrnstein and Murray, Thornhill and Palmer, or the social Darwinists before them.

The approach to utilizing biology to enhance our understanding of history that I advocate differs radically from social Darwinism.  That discredited creed held that natural selection is just “the way things are” and that we should—indeed, that we must—model society after its uncaring brutality and intense competition.  My position is simply that the evolution of human nature should be seen as protohistory, the first history, the starting point for subsequent history.

 

*  *  *

 

I believe that history consists, to a considerable extent, of the interplay between the human biological inheritance  (the biogram[22]of Homo sapiens) that evolved to adapt to life in small bands of hunter-gatherers (the hominid and human way of life for at least 98 percent of our evolution) and the radically different social environments in which the creatures with that biogram have lived since the development of agriculture began to revolutionize human circumstances.

Paradoxical though it sounds, the most important innate characteristic of our species is its extraordinary adaptability.  It is this quality that causes much of the confusion in the nature/nurture debates.  Cultural determinists recognize this trait and mistakenly conclude that it completely supersedes all others, leaving us blank slates on which culture can write any story.  For their part, evolutionary psychologists and others who emphasize the power of our biological inheritance often fail to give this fundamental human characteristic its due and so overestimate the degree to which other evolutionary legacies affect our behavior.  The adaptability of Homo sapiens is so much greater than that of any other surviving species that it might well be considered the fundamental human trait.  “Perhaps our greatest distinction as a species,” as Jared Diamond has said, “is our capacity, unique among animals, to make counter-evolutionary choices.”[23] *

But, even with our great adaptability, our biological inheritance places limits on which choices we can make.  Among the portions of human nature that have had a clear effect on history, as I see it, the following are three that stand out:

                 Humans are social animals.  This does not mean that we do not also have

 selfish proclivities, but neither total selfishness nor total selflessness is compatible with

 the human biogram.  This helps to explain why communism has not been successful.

But it also suggests that a system, such as completely unfettered free market capitalism,

that is based upon the absolute supremacy of the self is no more compatible with our

nature than is one, such as communism, based upon total sacrifice of the self to the

community.

                 Identification with the band, a predisposition to identify with a small group of

people.  As the song from the television show Cheers put it, “sometimes you want to be

somewhere where everybody knows your name.”  The social instincts that we certainly

possess are not directed toward humanity as a whole, but toward a small group such as

those in which our distant ancestors lived.  Our socially oriented traits are most readily triggered by personal recognition. It was in troops or bands of from perhaps thirty to a few hundred members that most of our progenitors lived and evolved.[24]  Evolution “designed” us to live in personal societies of this size.  This, not the unconnected individuals imagined by Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau, is the actual “State of Nature” of human beings.  For at least 5,000 years (and in a few places perhaps as much as 8,000 years or more), some humans have been living in larger, increasingly unnatural circumstances, culminating in the ultimate “State of Unnature,” the immense modern city.  This mismatch between human nature and the social environment can shed light on many aspects of history.

                 Pseudospeciation, the ability to convince ourselves that other groups of fellow

human beings are not really humans.  This innate capacity has played a major part in

wars, racism, and genocide. It is only possible to kill “brutally” if we have identified the

victim in the way a “brute,” (that is, another animal) would: as a member of a different species.  Killing “Redskins,” “Niggers,” “Honkies,” or “Gooks” is compatible with our biological natures; killing human beings is not.

                 Winston Churchill made one of the baldest statements of pseudospeciation on

record in his account of the British machine-gun slaughter of Muslim tribesmen in the

 Sudan in 1898.  It was “like a pantomime scene,” Churchill said.  “These extraordinary

 foreign figures . . . march up one by one from the darkness of  Barbarism to the

footlights of civilization . . . and their conquerors, taking their possessions, forget even

their names.  Nor will history record such trash.”[25]  In the same vein, social Darwinist

Theodore Roosevelt hailed “the spread of the English-speaking peoples over the world’s

waste space” (by which he meant territory occupied by non-Anglo-Saxons).[26]  Social

Darwinism is, in fact, in large part an endorsement of pseudospeciation.  This human

tendency can shed light on our understanding of many historical episodes.

Like other traits produced by evolution, the tendency to question the humanity of outsiders can be ignored only at great peril.  But the existence of a proclivity for pseudospeciation emphatically does not mean that racism, war, jingoism, xenophobia and occasional outbreaks of genocide are the inevitable lot of humankind.  Like other innate predispositions, this one cannot be eliminated, but it can be controlled.  Admitting its existence is a necessary first step toward controlling this portion of human biological inheritance that has caused so many horrors throughout history.

 

*  *  *

 

Ironically, historians have generally taken a view of the scope of the human story that is similar to that of biblical fundamentalists, since the latter customarily date Eden at about 6000 years ago.  But humans and their direct ancestors had been around by that time for 4 to 5 million years.  “Conventional history,” Colin Tudge rightly observes in his 1996 book, The Time Before History, “starts almost at the end.”[27]

 “History from the bottom up” should be given a new and broader meaning.  What most of us in the historical profession have been doing is like trying to examine and understand the construction of the upper stories of a tall building without looking at the structure’s foundation or its lower floors.  To truly transform our conception of history, we need now to go beyond the new carpenters and building materials (such as women historians and historical women) that have come onto the construction site in the past few decades.  We need a new blueprint, one that includes the lower stories, the foundation, and even an analysis of the bedrock on which they rest.  That bedrock is the biogram that resulted from hominid and human evolution.

If we are wary and do not jump to unwarranted conclusions that see human nature as a constant, unmediated by the varying historical environments in which it operates, a careful examination of the biological bedrock on which history has been constructed can contribute significantly to a better understanding of a host of historical problems and issues.

Failure to pursue such an understanding is to leave our discipline uninformed by the greatest explanatory scheme in history.  It is, furthermore, to leave that explanatory scheme in the hands of those who are uninformed about the significance of human history in channeling and modifying the human products of evolution.

Darwinism, in short, is too important to be left only to the Darwinists–that is, biologists and evolutionary psychologists.  They need the insights of historians to mediate between the evolutionary inheritance and modern behavior as much as historians need the insights of biologists to understand better the motivations behind the historical behavior we study.  We historians are the ones who explicate the changing historical environments with which innate human characteristics interact.  We are in a position to determine just how far Darwinian analysis can lead us before it misleads us.

As we attempt to establish a beneficial dialogue between biology and history, we must recognize that biology is appropriate only for helping us to establish the skeletal framework beneath the history we study.  What we seek to accomplish is something quite different from the goal of practitioners in the natural sciences.  They try to discover ultimate causes, while we historians are usually much more interested in what scientists term proximate causes.[28]  Scientists utilize Occam’s razor[29] to cut away the very complexity in which we revel.  Our complex explanations will be more accurate if they take into account the basic models provided by biology.  It can be helpful to us to understand the basic underlying biological motivations of the creatures we study, but when we have accomplished this, it is our task to restore what Occam’s razor has removed: the rich detail and variety that are the stuff of historical explanation.

Biology should be used to inform our work as historians, but it should never be allowed to dominate our analysis.

Let us, then, proceed with great caution, but let us proceed. 

 


 



[*] Of course sex roles are greatly influenced by cultural conditioning.  But it is plain that they are not solely the creations of culture; there is a biological basis for many of them.

     *  Our extraordinary adaptability makes it possible for humans to make some counter-evolutionary choices, which gives us an enormous advantage that no other species has ever had.  But this in no sense means that we do not have innate characteristics or can ignore evolution’s effects on us.  In order to make counter-evolutionary choices, we have take account of what those natural proclivities in need of being countered are.  And evolution still places constraints on how far we are able to go in countering its effects.



NOTES

 

      [1].  Mary Midgley, Beast and Man: The Roots of Human Nature (Ithaca: Cornell

      University Press, 1978), p. xiii.

 

 

 [2].  Edward O. Wilson, Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge (New York: Knopf, 1998), p. 12.

 

[3].  Edward O. Wilson, On Human Nature (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978), p. 203.

 

[4].  Carl N. Degler, In Search of Human Nature: The Decline and Revival of Darwinism in American Social Thought (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), p. 224 and passim.

 

[5].  The unfortunate relationship that developed between some biologists and the promotion of racism, jingoism, and xenophobia is suggested by the fact that a zoology professor, Henry F. Osborn, wrote the preface for Madison Grant's infamous 1916 book, The Passing of the Great Race, or The Racial Basis of European History (New York: Scribner, 1916).  (Grant himself was an amateur zoologist.)

  

 [6].  Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life (New York: Free Press, 1994).

 

[7] .  Randy Thornhill and Craig Palmer, A Natural History of Rape: Biological Bases of Sexual Coercion (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000).

 

8.  Helen Fisher, The First Sex: The Natural Talents of Women and How They Are Changing the World (New York: Random House, 1999), p. 267.

 

[9].   Natalie Angier, Woman: An Intimate History (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1999), p. 328.

 

     [10].  Richard Dawkins, The Selfish Gene (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), p. 71.

 

 

[11].  Paul R. Ehrlich, Human Natures: Genes, Cultures, and the Human Prospect (Washington, DC: Island Press, 2000), p. 7.

 

[12] . Bobbi S. Low, Why Sex Matters: A Darwinian Look at Human Behavior (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000).

 

[13] .  Robert S. McElvaine, Eve’s Seed: Biology, the Sexes, and the Course of History (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2001).

 

[14].  Sarah Blaffer Hrdy, The Woman That Never Evolved (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981); Patricia Adair Gowaty, ed., Feminism and Evolutionary Biology (New York: Chapman & Hall, 1997); Barbara Smuts, “The Evolutionary Origins of Patriarchy,” Human Nature, vol. 6 (1995), pp. 1-32; Sarah Blaffer Hrdy, Mother Nature: A History of Mothers, Infants, and Natural Selection (New York: Pantheon, 1999).

 

[15].  ABC News, June 17, 1998; http://abcnews.go.com/sections/science/dailynews/

evolution980617.html

 

[16].   Genesis 1:28.

 

[17].  New York Times, June 14, 1993.

 

    [18].  Margaret Mead understood this and accepted it as an implication of her belief that

   human nature is “almost unbelievably malleable.”  Margaret Mead, Male and Female: A

   Study of the Sexes in a Changing World (New York: William Morrow, 1949), p. 310;

   Degler, In Search of Human Nature, p. 135.

 

 

    [19].  Irenaus Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Love and Hate: On the Natural History of Behavior Patterns

    (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1972), p. 13; Wilson, On Human Nature, p. 62.

 

 

 [20].  William F. Allman, The Stone Age Present (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994), p. 29.

 

[21].   Wilson, Consilience, p. 266.

 

[22].  The term was coined by Earle W. Count.  Count, “The Biological Basis of Human Sociality,” American Anthropologist, vol. 60 (1958), pp. 1049-1085; Lionel Tiger and Robin Fox, The Imperial Animal (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971), p. 6.

 

[23].  Jared Diamond, Why Is Sex Fun?  The Evolution of Human Sexuality (New York: Basic Books, 1997), p. 62.

 

[24].  Chimpanzees have been observed living in groups of 30 to 80, with some troops perhaps ranging up to 150 members.  Edward O. Wilson, Sociobiology: The New Synthesis (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1975), p. 539.  In itself, of course, this proves nothing about the size of hominid bands.  But most groups of collector-hunters that survived into the nineteenth and twentieth centuries also live in bands in this size range.

 

[25].  Winston Churchill, as quoted in John Ellis, The Social History of the Machine Gun (New York: Pantheon, 1975), p. 101.  Emphasis added.

 

[26].  Theodore Roosevelt, as quoted in Richard Hofstadter, The American Political Traditionand the Men Who Made It (1948; New York: Vintage, 1973), p. 274.

 

 [27].  Colin Tudge, The Time Before History (Simon & Schuster, 1996), p. 12.

 

[28].  Low, Why Sex Matters, p. 9.

 

[29].  Wilson, Consilienece, p. 53.